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		<title>A legal model for government intervention to combat online hate</title>
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		<pubDate>Sun, 01 May 2011 17:50:28 +0000</pubDate>
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		<description><![CDATA[In the Internet Law Bulletin (May 2011), CIE's Director, Dr Andre Oboler, suggests avenues of law reform and notes that Governments have a responsibility to take an active role in the online world; if they don’t, they cannot meet their wider obligations to the people they serve. ]]></description>
				<content:encoded><![CDATA[<div>
<div>
<div><a href="http://www.internetengagement.com.au/v2/wp-content/uploads/2011/06/ILB.jpg"><img class="alignleft size-full wp-image-541" style="margin-right: 20px;" title="ILB" src="http://www.internetengagement.com.au/v2/wp-content/uploads/2011/06/ILB.jpg" alt="" width="262" height="262" /></a>Published as: Andre Oboler, A legal model for government intervention to combat online hate, Internet Law Bulletin 14(2), May 2011</div>
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<ul>
<li>
<div>Racial  hate propaganda is unlawful in Australia, and this extends to  non-private online communications. This may create liabilities for  technology companies.</div>
</li>
<li>
<div>International  discussions have highlighted the need for both national and  international engagement on the problem of online racism. More active  government involvement is inevitable in the future and poses a  manageable risk to technology companies.</div>
</li>
<li>
<div>The  Copyright Act 1968 (Cth) provides a model for technology-based remedies  to unlawful acts that take place online. This could serve as a template  for remedies to other types of unlawful acts, including the spread of  online hate propaganda.</div>
</li>
<li>
<div>The  Attorney General’s announcement of a possible extension of “safe  harbour” provisions in the Copyright Act to a larger range of service  providers raises the questions of similar provisions for other unlawful  activity facilitated by these providers.</div>
</li>
<li>
<div>Lawyers  advising clients who provide non-private online spaces should consider a  range of legal developments in other areas, and should consider how  similar provisions in the area of online hate may affect their clients.  Engineering solutions to limit risk are possible and could be integrated  into future development if considered pre-emptively.</div>
</li>
</ul>
<div>
<div>
<h3>Introduction</h3>
<p>Online  hate is the use of the internet to harass, defame, discriminate or  incite against a person or group. It is a significant problem within the  online world.<sup><a name="201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.NT1"></a><a href="#NT1-R">1</a></sup> Hate propaganda forms a more limited class of content: it includes  content “aimed at, or with the effect of, inciting hatred or contempt  for individuals or groups of individuals identifiable on the basis of  personal characteristics such as race, religion, ethnicity, gender,  family status, marital status, and sexual identity that have  historically formed the basis of socially imposed disadvantage”.<sup><a name="201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.NT2-R"></a> <a href="#NT2">2</a></sup> Some, but not all, aspects of hate propaganda are unlawful in  Australia as a result of Commonwealth and state anti-discrimination  legislation.</p>
<p>One form of hate that is unlawful at  both Commonwealth and state level is racial discrimination. The Racial  Discrimination Act 1975 (Cth) and the Racial and Religious Tolerance Act  2001 (Vic) are examples of legislative provisions broad enough to  directly tackle hate propaganda. There are, however, serious  difficulties in the practical application of such laws to hate  propaganda that occurs online. This is particularly true when third  party platforms are involved.</p>
<p>This paper begins with  a look at the existing law and its adaptability to meet growing demands  that the government tackles online hate. It then examines the  disempowerment of governments in the online world. Finally, it discusses  the opportunity for companies to re-empower government and side-step  the difficulties associated with policing their online spaces to prevent  hate propaganda.</p>
</div>
</div>
<div>
<div>
<h3>Online hate and the law</h3>
<p>The  internet is a powerful medium. Revolutions, enabled by online tools,  have recently topped governments, and comparisons have been made to the  role of mass printing in the 1848 revolutions in Europe.<sup><a name="201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.NT3-R"></a> <a href="#NT3">3</a></sup> That much power, if used for hate propaganda, presents a real threat to society.</p>
<p>The  danger of online hate propaganda was recently recognised in the  Inter-parliamentary Coalition for Combating Antisemitism’s Ottawa  Protocol, which called for more research, expert advice and  international cooperation into online hate.<sup><a name="201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.NT4-R"></a> <a href="#NT4">4</a></sup></p>
<p>Within  Australia, racially-based hate propaganda is unlawful. Section 18C of  the Racial Discrimination Act makes unlawful acts that “offend, insult,  humiliate or intimidate”, on the basis of a person’s race. This section  was applied to internet material in Jones v Toben<sup><a name="201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.NT5-R"></a> <a href="#NT5">5</a></sup> and resulted in orders for hate propaganda to be removed from the internet, as well as orders restraining republication.</p>
<p>The  Victorian Racial and Religious Tolerance Act gives two standards of  racial vilification, noting in both cases that the sections apply to  “use of the internet or e-mail to publish or transmit statements or  other material”.<sup><a name="201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.NT6-R"></a> <a href="#NT6">6</a></sup> This approach stands in stark contrast to efforts that address the  specific nature of the online world in areas such as online copyright  reform.</p>
</div>
</div>
<div>
<div>
<h3>Government’s active engagement with the online world</h3>
<p>Attorney-General,  Robert McClelland, recently noted that copyright reform “is challenging  because of the speed of technological developments” and that  “legislative solutions can lag behind reality”.<sup><a name="201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.NT7-R"></a> <a href="#NT7">7</a></sup> He championed government engagement and the need to “continually examine the areas of copyright that are ripe for reform”.<sup><a name="201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.NT8-R"></a> <a href="#NT8">8</a></sup> He explained the challenge saying “governments are being asked to try  to find a national solution to a global problem — and to do this without  stymieing growth in new technology and market solutions that deliver  content to the community”. This challenge exists in all interactions  between government and the online world, including combating online  hate.</p>
<p>In tackling digital copyright, new concepts  such as the “safe harbour” provisions were created. These provisions  give internet access providers a way to limit their liability for  specific cases of copyright breach by taking active measures to  facilitate general compliance. The measures access providers need to  take are given in s 116AH of the Copyright Act. They include having a  policy allowing termination of the accounts of repeat infringers, and  compliance with industry codes aimed at protecting copyright material.<sup><a name="201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.NT9-R"></a> <a href="#NT9">9</a></sup> Specific requirements are made for four types of activity a provider  may engage in, each requirement closely tied to the way technology is  used for that activity.<sup><a name="201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.NT10-R"></a> <a href="#NT10">10</a></sup></p>
</div>
</div>
<div>
<div>
<h3>Specific technical remedies can be written into law</h3>
<p>The  Copyright Act also provides enumerated remedies. Where the carrier acts  as a conduit for information a user requested, the remedies are an  order to terminate the users account,<sup><a name="201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.NT11-R"></a> <a href="#NT11">11</a></sup> or to limit access to material hosted overseas.<sup><a name="201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.NT12-R"></a> <a href="#NT12">12</a></sup> In the case of automatic caching, providing a user with storage  capacity, or facilitating connections, the remedies include an order to  terminate the user’s account,<sup><a name="201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.NT13-R"></a> <a href="#NT13">13</a></sup> to remove or disable access to the offending material,<sup><a name="201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.NT14-R"></a> <a href="#NT14">14</a></sup> or any other less burdensome non-monetary order necessary.<sup><a name="201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.NT15-R"></a> <a href="#NT15">15</a></sup> The Attorney-General has said that the “purpose of the scheme is to  provide legal incentives for ISPs [Internet Service Providers] to  cooperate with copyright owners in deterring infringement of copyright”.<sup><a name="201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.NT16-R"></a> <a href="#NT16">16</a></sup></p>
<p>The Attorney-General also suggested the “safe harbour” provisions be extended beyond access providers.<sup><a name="201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.NT17-R"></a> <a href="#NT17">17</a></sup> This would require the law to gain an understanding of the nature of  these services, as it has done with access providers. Many of these  providers will be publishers of users’ content, and laws setting  standards for copyright may provide a model for handling other forms of  unlawful conduct including the promotion of hate propaganda.</p>
</div>
</div>
<div>
<div>
<h3>As the technology paradigm changes, so must the law</h3>
<p>Access  providers connect physically to the customer, so they must have a  presence in Australia. Even when mediating communications within  Australia, other service providers may be located entirely outside  Australia. International mechanisms are needed to address issues that  arise, these exist for copyright but not for the prevention of online  hate propaganda. For now, as major service providers operate with such a  large degree of autonomy over their online spaces, it begins to look  like sovereignty, except for their care over copyright.</p>
<p>In  reality, the rights of internet service providers are based on property  and contracts law. It is their property rights over servers, networks  and data storage devices, as well as intellectual property over source  code, that gives technology companies authority. Participation in the  virtual community is conditional on a licence to access the company’s  property. The terms of this licence, literally the “terms of service”,  give the company power to regulate users’ activity.</p>
<p>The legal concept of property refers not to objects but to the rights people have in them.<sup><a name="201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.NT18-R"></a> <a href="#NT18">18</a></sup> In the digital world, these rights, or the closest thing we have to  them, are created by a company’s terms of service. These rights can be  abrogated or altered by statute, but the law will need to enter the  digital world and regulate the activity rather than the technology.</p>
</div>
</div>
<div>
<div>
<h3>A foundation for further engagement</h3>
<p>In  entering the digital world, governments need to reassert their rights.  The power of internet companies may be legally based on property and  contracts, but “property” in a resource stops where the infringement of  more basic human rights and freedoms begins”.<sup><a name="201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.NT19-R"></a> <a href="#NT19">19</a></sup> In some jurisdictions, issues over privacy are now causing governments to assert themselves.<sup><a name="201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.NT20-R"></a> <a href="#NT20">20</a></sup> In Australia, the protection of human dignity is said to provide a basis for equities intervention.<sup><a name="201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.NT21-R"></a> <a href="#NT21">21</a></sup> As the Supreme Court of New Jersey observed:</p>
<blockquote><p>[P]roperty rights serve human values. They are recognised to that end, and are limited by it.<sup><a name="201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.NT22-R"></a> <a href="#NT22">22</a></sup></p></blockquote>
<p>Today, private companies like Facebook seem to be able to ignore complaints from governments,<sup><a name="201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.NT23-R"></a> <a href="#NT23">23</a></sup> even over content calling for genocide and war crimes.<sup><a name="201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.NT24-R"></a> <a href="#NT24">24</a></sup> Instead, they are swayed by the media and online public opinion.<sup><a name="201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.NT25-R"></a> <a href="#NT25">25</a></sup> I have previously discussed a penalty model that could hold technology  companies responsible when they fail to respond in reasonable time.<sup><a name="201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.NT26-R"></a> <a href="#NT26">26</a></sup> Another approach is for government to intervention in the online world  itself. Technology companies, like Facebook, would need to provide the  tools, either voluntarily or in response to legislation. Similar  requirements already exist in phone systems to enable wiretaps.<sup><a name="201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.NT28-R"></a> <a href="#NT28">27</a></sup></p>
<p>Powers governments may request, or legislate to require, include:</p>
<ul>
<li>
<div>the ability to delete public groups/pages;</div>
</li>
<li>
<div>the ability to suspend accounts; and</div>
</li>
<li>
<div>the ability to trace users and stored communications to an IP address.</div>
</li>
</ul>
<p>In  each case, this power could be limited to content controlled by users  from within the country&#8217;s territory. Checks and balances, including  judicial oversight, could be included. Judges could give time limited  authorisation, and all activities done using the authorisation could be  logged. By empowering government, technology companies may be able to  side step the problems and potential liabilities of online hate.</p>
</div>
</div>
<div>
<div>
<h3>Conclusion</h3>
<p>The  current law in Australia makes race-based hate propaganda unlawful, but  does not effetely tackle the online problem. Law reform may create  greater liabilities for companies, or cases may establish existing  liability. The development of copyright law provides a template for more  technology specific remedies, and discussions on extending “safe  harbour” provisions may provide an opportunity to discuss generally new  considerations and remedies to unlawful acts online.</p>
<p>Those  advising clients in the technology sector should be aware of the  potential for increased government intervention. In particular, the  mechanisms of the Copyright Act and the Telecommunications  (Interceptions and Access) Act may suggest possible approaches  government may consider to ensuring compliance with the Racial  Discrimination Act in the future. Building such capabilities into  platforms now may prevent future risk and disruption from legal reform.</p>
<p>Governments  have a responsibility to take an active role in the online world; if  they don’t, they cannot meet their wider obligations to the people they  serve. The powers, rights and limitations that apply to governments and  private citizens in the real world need to be reflected online. The  discussion over updates to the Copyright Act provides an opportunity to  consider a wider picture of government involvement online.</p>
<p>Dr Andre Oboler,<br />
Director, Community Internet Engagement Project<br />
Zionist Federation of Australia.</p>
<p><a name="NT1-R"></a><a href="#201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.NT1">1</a> Digital Journal Staff, “Online hate” (2003) Digital Journal, available at <a href="http://www.digitaljournal.com/" target="_blank">www.digitaljournal.com</a>;</p>
<p><a name="NT2"></a><a href="#201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.NT2-R">2</a> J Bailey, “Private regulation and public policy: towards effective restriction of Internet hate propaganda” (2003) 49 McGill Law Journal 59, fn 6, pp 63–64.</p>
<p><a name="NT3"></a><a href="#201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.NT3-R">3</a> F Zakaria, “Why it&#8217;s different this time” (2011) Time Magazine (New York) 30–31.</p>
<p><a name="NT4"></a><a href="#201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.NT4-R">4</a> A Oboler, “The ICCA tackles online hate” (2011) 13 Internet Law Bulletin 178.</p>
<p><a name="NT5"></a><a href="#201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.NT5-R">5</a> Jones v Toben (2002) 71 ALD 629</a>; (2002) EOC 93-247; [2002] FCA 1150; pp 655–656 at [113].</p>
<p><a name="NT6"></a><a href="#201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.NT6-R">6</a> See, eg, Racial and Religious Tolerance Act 2001 (Vic), ss 7 and 24.</p>
<p><a name="NT7"></a><a href="#201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.NT7-R">7</a> R  McClelland, “Address to the Blue Sky Conference on future directions in  Copyright law”, speech delivered at the Blue Sky Conference on future  directions in Copyright law, Sydney, 25 February 2011.</p>
<p><a name="NT8"></a><a href="#N201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.T8-R">8</a> See above note 8.</p>
<p><a name="NT9"></a><a href="#N201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.T9-R">9</a> Copyright Act 1968 (Cth), s 116AH(1).</p>
<p><a name="NT10"></a><a href="#201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.NT10-R">10</a> Copyright Act 1968 (Cth), s 116AH(1).</p>
<p><a name="NT11"></a><a href="#201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.NT11-R">11</a> Copyright Act 1968 (Cth), s 116AG(3)(b).</p>
<p><a name="NT12"></a><a href="#201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.NT12-R">12</a> Copyright Act 1968 (Cth), s 116AG(3)(a).</p>
<p><a name="NT13"></a><a href="#201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.NT13-R">13</a> Copyright Act 1968 (Cth), s 116AG(4)(b).</p>
<p><a name="NT14"></a><a href="#201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.NT14-R">14</a> Copyright Act 1968 (Cth), s 116AG(4)(a).</p>
<p><a name="NT15"></a><a href="#201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.NT15-R">15</a> Copyright Act 1968 (Cth), s 116AG(4)(c).</p>
<p><a name="NT16"></a><a href="#201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.NT16-R">16</a> Above note 8.</p>
<p><a name="NT17"></a><a href="#201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.NT17-R">17</a> Above note 8.</p>
<p><a name="NT18"></a><a href="#201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.NT18-R">18</a> R Chambers, An Introduction to Property Law in Australia, 2nd edition, Lawbook Co, 2008, p 5.</p>
<p><a name="NT19"></a><a href="#201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.NT19-R">19</a> K Gray, “Property in thin air” (1991) 50 The Cambridge Law Journal 252, 297.</p>
<p><a name="NT20"></a><a href="#201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.NT20-R">20</a> Letter from Jennifer Stoddart, Alex Turk, Peter Schaar, et al, to Erich Schmidt, accessed 19 April 2010, available at <a href="http://www.online.wsj.com/" target="_blank">www.online.wsj.com</a>.</p>
<p><a name="NT21"></a><a href="#201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.NT21-R">21</a> Above note 21, p 226 at [43].</p>
<p><a name="NT22"></a><a href="#201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.NT22-R">22</a> New Jersey v Shack (1971) 277 A 2d 369, 372 (NJ, 1971).</p>
<p><a name="NT23"></a><a href="#201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.NT23-R">23</a> E Levy, “Israel tells Facebook: remove intifada page”, on Ynet News, 23 March 2011, available at <a href="http://www.ynetnews.com/" target="_blank">www.ynetnews.com</a>.</p>
<p><a name="NT24"></a><a href="#201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.NT24-R">24</a> A Oboler, “Facebook and the third intifada: the aftermath”, on Jerusalem Post, 30 March 2011, available at <a href="http://www.blogs.jpost.com/" target="_blank">www.blogs.jpost.com</a>.</p>
<p><a name="NT25"></a><a href="#201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.NT25-R">25</a> A Oboler, “The rise and fall of a Facebook hate group”, (2008) 13 First Monday, available at <a href="http://www.firstmonday.org/" target="_blank">www.firstmonday.org</a>.</p>
<p><a name="NT26"></a><a href="#201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.NT26-R">26</a> A Oboler, “Time to regulate internet hate with a new approach” (2010) 13 Internet Law Bulletin 102.</p>
<p><a name="NT28"></a><a href="#201114INTLB00200022_00002_A2.NT28-R">27</a> Telecommunications (Interceptions and Access) Act (1979)(Cth), s 189.</p>
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		<title>Dr Oboler&#8217;s report on the ICCA and online hate</title>
		<link>http://www.internetengagement.com.au/v2/?p=407</link>
		<comments>http://www.internetengagement.com.au/v2/?p=407#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Tue, 15 Feb 2011 10:12:09 +0000</pubDate>
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				<category><![CDATA[Antisemitism]]></category>
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		<description><![CDATA[Internet Law Bulletin's Febuary / March 2011 issue included a report by Dr Oboler on new efforts by the Inter-Parliamentary Coalition for Combating Antisemitism (ICCA) to tackles online hate. ]]></description>
				<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><a href="http://www.internetengagement.com.au/v2/wp-content/uploads/2011/02/ILB.jpg"><img class="alignleft size-full wp-image-408" style="margin-right: 10px;" title="ILB" src="http://www.internetengagement.com.au/v2/wp-content/uploads/2011/02/ILB.jpg" alt="" width="262" height="262" /></a>Published as: Andre Oboler, The ICCA tackles online hate, Internet Law Bulletin, Febuary / March 2011</p>
<p>Dr Andre Oboler ZIONIST FEDERATION OF AUSTRALIA</p>
<p>In November 2010, the Inter-Parliamentary Coalition for Combating  Antisemitism (ICCA) held its second conference; parliamentarians and  experts from over 40 countries attended.</p>
<p>The conference, held at the Canadian Parliament, was hosted in  partnership with the Canadian Ministry of Citizenship and Immigration.  Australian involvement included Michael Danby MP, Senator Scott Ryan and  four Australian experts.</p>
<p>The Ottawa conference ran working groups in parallel tracks for the  Experts Forum and the parliamentarians. The conclusions of each pair of  working groups were delivered to a combined plenum and informed the  drafting of the Ottawa Protocol that was unanimously adopted by the parliamentarians.</p>
<p>The Online Antisemitism Working Group had a panel of five speakers.  Christopher Wolf, a US technology lawyer, discussed Anwar al-Awalaki  whose YouTube videos incite racial hatred and terrorism. Wolf called on  the technology companies to deny their services to this virtual hate  rally, as they would to a real world hate rally.</p>
<p>Rabbi Cooper, of Simon Wiesenthal Center, questioned the American  approach of more speech in response to hate speech. He showed the link  between online hate and terrorism. Marc Saltzman, a technology  journalist, spoke on smart phones that allow updates on the go, with  less thought. He argued we need the right combination of law, education  and activism to address online hatred.</p>
<p>Cathy Wing, Media Awareness Network, focused on children now  constantly exposed to hateful content. She expressed hope that online  education against racism may have an impact. I examined the question of  regulation and argued the social contract gave government an ultimate  and irrevocable responsibility. The overall impression was that online  hate is a fast moving field with a need for rapid access to both  technical knowledge and government consideration. This was reflected in  the final protocol.</p>
<p>The Ottawa Protocol notes that the gathered parliamentarians are  “alarmed by the explosion of antisemitism and hate on the internet, a  medium crucial for the promotion and protection of freedom of  expression, freedom of information, and the participation of civil society”. The statement encapsulated a number of concerns expressed at  the conference. Most notable was the concern that, left unregulated, the  online world may be far less free than idealists believe. Racism and  intimidation can dampen participation by minority groups and damage  democracy.</p>
<p>The Ottawa Protocol commits the gathered parliamentarians to  “establishing an international task force of internet specialists  comprised of parliamentarians and experts to create common indicators to identify and monitor  anti-Semitism and other manifestations of hate online and to develop  policy recommendations for governments and international frameworks to  address these problems”.</p>
<p>The establishment of a task force that contains both members of  different parliaments and leading international experts is an  opportunity. It creates a resource of international technical expertise  for members of parliament and a dialogue for sharing best practise.</p>
<p>Most significantly, it provides a multilateral foundation from which companies can be addressed, monitored and held to account.</p>
<p>Dr Andre Oboler,<br />
Director, Community Internet Engagement Project<br />
Zionist Federation of Australia.</p>
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		<title>JPPI report on Global Antisemitism Cites CIE&#8217;s Director</title>
		<link>http://www.internetengagement.com.au/v2/?p=52</link>
		<comments>http://www.internetengagement.com.au/v2/?p=52#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Tue, 04 Jan 2011 04:10:34 +0000</pubDate>
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		<description><![CDATA[A new JPPI report (October 12, 2010) provides a survey of prominent research on the phenomena of antisemitism around the world. In it's discussion on online antisemitism the report refers to three articles by CIE's Director, Dr Andre Oboler.]]></description>
				<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><a href="http://www.internetengagement.com.au/v2/wp-content/uploads/2011/01/JPPI.jpg"><img class="alignleft size-full wp-image-53" title="JPPI" src="http://www.internetengagement.com.au/v2/wp-content/uploads/2011/01/JPPI.jpg" alt="" width="180" height="159" /></a>A new <a href="http://jppi.org.il/uploads/Anti%20Semitism.pdf">JPPI report</a> (October 12, 2010) provides a survey of prominent research on the  phenomena of antisemitism around the world. In it&#8217;s discussion on online  antisemitism the report refers to three articles by Dr Andre Oboler:</p>
<ul>
<li> <a href="http://www.oboler.com/?p=617">The Rise and Fall of a Facebook hate Group</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.oboler.com/?p=632">Facebook, Holocaust Denial, and Anti-Semitism 2.0</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.oboler.com/?p=625">Online Antisemitism 2.0 &#8220;social Antisemitism&#8221; on the &#8220;Social Web&#8221;</a></li>
</ul>
<p>The report notes that &#8220;Few organizations are targeting and combating  the online anti-Semitism&#8221;. It makes no mention of the Online  Antisemitism Working Group of the Global Forum, nor did it note the  creation of the Community Internet Engagement Project as the first  mainstream group focused exclusively on Internet Antisemitism. The  report was released just before the ICCA meeting which added further  commitment to tackle online antisemitism.</p>
<p>One significant disagreement I have with the report is the  suggestion, based on information from the ADL, that &#8220;anti-Semitism in  cyberspace is virtually impossible to quantify, both because of the high  dynamic of the medium, and because the information on the net is  infinite, and it is almost impossible to reach it all&#8221;. This is clearly  untrue as the implication is that search engines are also impossible.   The premise would also suggest the entertainment industry should give up  on efforts to prevent online piracy. As a technical premise, the  argument is deeply flawed. Both the ADL and the Simon Wiesenthal Center  have been using this argument as smoke screen to put the problem of  monitoring of online hate into the &#8220;too hard&#8221; basket.</p>
<p>The problem is not too hard, it just requires a new approach and a  more specialized expertise. This is exactly the problem CIE was created  to solve, and we are working on it. Unfortunately we don&#8217;t have even a  fraction of the budget of organisations like the ADL and Simon  Wiesenthal Center. Without sufficient resources progress is slower than  it needs to be. In 2007 I asked Issac Hertzog (then the Minister  responsible for combating antisemitism)  who was going to pay for the  work that needs to be done online. Despite raising that question in the  Jerusalem post in 2008, with the exception of a very small pool of  donors, we are still waiting for an answer. More than hand wringing,  right now what&#8217;s needed is funding.</p>
<p>- Andre Oboler</p>
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		<title>Wikipedia Manipulation: Anti-Israel Activists using Criticism Elimination</title>
		<link>http://www.internetengagement.com.au/v2/?p=83</link>
		<comments>http://www.internetengagement.com.au/v2/?p=83#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Sun, 28 Nov 2010 06:04:19 +0000</pubDate>
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				<category><![CDATA[Features]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[critisism elimination]]></category>
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		<description><![CDATA[A new paper by Andre Oboler (CIE&#8217;s Director), along with Prof Gerald Steinberg (head of NGO Monitor) and Rephael Stern has been published by the Journal of Information Technology and Politics. The full length academic article, &#8220;The Framing of Political NGOs in Wikipedia through Criticism Elimination&#8221;, introduces the concept of criticism elimination, a type of [&#8230;]]]></description>
				<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><a href="http://www.internetengagement.com.au/v2/wp-content/uploads/2011/01/Wikipedia.jpg"><img class="alignleft size-full wp-image-84" style="margin-left: 10px; margin-right: 10px;" title="Wikipedia" src="http://www.internetengagement.com.au/v2/wp-content/uploads/2011/01/Wikipedia.jpg" alt="" width="148" height="158" /></a>A  new paper by Andre Oboler (CIE&#8217;s Director), along with Prof Gerald   Steinberg (head of NGO Monitor) and Rephael Stern has been published by   the Journal of Information Technology and Politics. The full length   academic article, &#8220;The Framing of Political NGOs in Wikipedia through   Criticism Elimination&#8221;, introduces the concept of criticism elimination,   a type of information removal that has been used by anti-Israel   activists to control the message and frame issues in Wikipedia articles.</p>
<p>Criticism elimination facilitates a new form of gatekeeping, and  the  article demonstrates how this was systematically done to remove   criticism of NGOs actions in relation to the Arab-Israeli conflict. The   article also categorizes the editors responsible for the behavior into   four types. Mitigation approaches to criticism elimination are also   suggested.</p>
<h3>Background</h3>
<ul>
<li>Wikipedia&#8217;s approach has, however, raised concerns (<a href="http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/section?content=a928455036&amp;fulltext=713240928#CIT0025">Lichtenstein, 2008</a>)    that are traditionally reserved for the mass media. For instance, the    media has long acted as a gatekeeper, selecting and framing issues in    what was perceived to be the public interest (<a href="http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/section?content=a928455036&amp;fulltext=713240928#CIT0065">Williams &amp; Delli Carpini, 2004</a>).  The management of public discourse through framing raises significant  political implications&#8230;</li>
</ul>
<ul>
<li>The  presence of politically motivated framing (rather than the  expected   NPOV), as well as gatekeepers, sanctioned or de facto, has  serious   implications for the understanding of content production in  Wikipedia.</li>
</ul>
<ul>
<li>The problem in subjective areas is that Wikipedia articles can be dominated. <a href="http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/section?content=a928455036&amp;fulltext=713240928#CIT0050">Sunstein (2006</a>) notes that the last editor “can appoint himself as sovereign” (p. 158) destroying, rather than aggregating, content. Stacy <a href="http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/section?content=a928455036&amp;fulltext=713240928#CIT0041">Schiff (2006</a>), writing in <em>The New Yorker</em>,    noted that more frequent editors generally get their way. Articles or    entire topic areas can be framed with a particular view by users with    knowledge, determination, and power within the system.</li>
</ul>
<ul>
<li>By dominating articles and topic areas, Wikipedia can be used as a platform for political propaganda. Paul <a href="http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/section?content=a928455036&amp;fulltext=713240928#CIT0028">Murphy (2008)</a> called Wikipedia “an early and illustrative warning of the collapse    from informed social networking to propaganda.” He explained that    “sub-groups of the general community … are now using Wikipedia as a    marketing tool for their viewpoints.” He called it “fundamentally    inappropriate in a site nominally dedicated to the provision of    objective information.” He raises a concern that those with an agenda    will be more dedicated to getting their point across than casual users,    thereby allowing them to dominate.</li>
</ul>
<ul>
<li>Framing can occur though gatekeeping (<a href="http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/section?content=a928455036&amp;fulltext=713240928#CIT0024">Lewin, 1947</a>),    a theory of how items are “selected” or “rejected.” &#8230; [it] is “the   process by which selections are made in media work,  especially   decisions whether or not to admit a particular news story to  pass   through the &#8216;gates&#8217; of a news medium” (<a href="http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/section?content=a928455036&amp;fulltext=713240928#CIT0027">McQuail, 1994</a>, p. 213). Social responsibility theory (<a href="http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/section?content=a928455036&amp;fulltext=713240928#CIT0036">Peterson, 1956</a>)    saw the public as passive and easily manipulated and the media as    “information gatekeepers who represented the public&#8217;s interest” (<a href="http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/section?content=a928455036&amp;fulltext=713240928#CIT0065">Williams &amp; Delli Carpini, 2004</a>, p. 63).</li>
</ul>
<ul>
<li>Wikipedia&#8217;s  dominance raises concerns about its own effect, or that  of  dominant  editors, in framing information and acting as  gatekeepers&#8230;.  In  Wikipedia, a culture (<a href="http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/section?content=a928455036&amp;fulltext=713240928#CIT0041">Schiff, 2006</a>)    with power structures, guidelines, and policies has developed to    prevent this. These policies include NPOV, which states that articles    should be “written from a neutral point of view, representing    significant views fairly, proportionately, and without bias” (<a href="http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/section?content=a928455036&amp;fulltext=713240928#CIT0062">Wikipedia, 2008c</a>)&#8230; In practice, however, the top 1 percent of posters jointly contribute about half of Wikipedia&#8217;s edits (<a href="http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/section?content=a928455036&amp;fulltext=713240928#CIT0066">Wilson, 2008</a>).    The power of the elite gives them a default gatekeeping role. Their    strength in authority, time commitment, and knowledge of Wikipedia can    easily overwhelm, and thus eliminate, the contributions of others.</li>
</ul>
<h3>The experiment</h3>
<p>We  use an in vivo experiment in the form of an observational study  with   predefined variables and multiple “sites” (articles in this case),    making this a field study as per <a href="http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/section?content=a928455036&amp;fulltext=713240928#CIT0004">Basili&#8217;s (1996)</a> classification scheme for experimentation in software engineering. As    Wikipedia records all interactions within the system, we use content    analysis on stored data as a form of observation.</p>
<p>Metrics:</p>
<ul>
<li>16 NGO articles were used in this study, all edits to these articles were reviewed</li>
<li>627 edits relating to criticism were extracted</li>
<li>Of  the 16 NGO articles, nine were included in WikiProject  Palestine  (and  their criticism sections were heavily revised to  eliminate  criticis</li>
</ul>
<p>Methodology:</p>
<p>We  reviewed how the edits changed the nature of the article, and   specifically whether they removed relevant sourced information. We   reviewed the over all impact on the article, and the over all editing   behavior of the editors found doing such criticism elimination. We did   this both for numeric results and for a more in-depth qualitative   review.</p>
<h3>Summary of Results</h3>
<p>Four of the NGO entries  examined (including the UK-based charity  Christian Aid and the Israeli  NGO  Hamoked) had sourced criticism  sections completely or almost  entirely deleted. In both cases, all  discussion on the  Israeli-Palestinian  conflict was removed (twice in  the case of  Christian Aid).</p>
<p>In total, 89 editors removed criticism, and 61 of  these used  registered  user names. There are four prominent users  removing   criticism from multiple NGOs; 16 users removing criticism  multiple times   from one or more NGOs, in addition to making revisions  in other NGO   entries; and 26 users with low-edit counts focused on  NGOs.</p>
<p>Qualitative analysis revealed 4 types of users who removed criticism:</p>
<p>A <strong>campaigner</strong> is a Wikipedia editor working towards a  larger goal. He or  she edits  across a range of NGO articles and other  articles. In the NGO  articles  examined here, campaigners usually  removed sourced criticism.  Some  campaigners are members of WikiProject  Palestine. Others appear to   edit articles in the project without being  members.</p>
<p>An <strong>advocate</strong> editor is concerned almost entirely with  one page or a very  limited  topic. In the case of our research, the  focus would be a  particular  NGO. One hypothesis is that advocates may  be members,  supporters, or  staff of the NGO. These editors are using  Wikipedia for a  purpose  unrelated to the advancement of the  encyclopedia, and instead  they  remove criticism in order to frame their  targets in the best  possible  light.</p>
<p>The <strong>lobbyists</strong> are editors who work within a broad   scope of articles  across Wikipedia, yet focus on only one NGO. They   differ from advocates,  because they contribute in other places, and   from campaigners, because  their actions do not appear to be part of a   general campaign. These  editors may attempt to remove or reduce   criticism or set very high  standards for the inclusions of criticism.   As they become more involved  in Wikipedia, their use of Wikipedia&#8217;s   internal policies and guidelines  to achieve their goals becomes more   sophisticated.</p>
<p><strong>Casual editors</strong> are visitors to Wikipedia  who only  edit articles on  occasion. Spread across many topics, their  edits show  no unified agenda.  Their attention is divided and, very  often, thinly  spread. These users  may remove information that  conflicts with their  conceptual model on the  justification that it is  out of place.</p>
<p>Examples of each type of editor and the changes they made can be seen in the full paper.</p>
<p>The  paper may be cited as: Andre Oboler, Gerald Steinberg and Rephael   Stern, &#8220;The Framing of Political NGOs in Wikipedia through Criticism   Elimination&#8221;, <a title="Click to go to publication home" href="http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/title%7Edb=all%7Econtent=t792306880" target="_top">Journal of Information Technology &amp; Politics</a>, Volume <a title="Click to view volume" href="http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/title%7Edb=all%7Econtent=t792306880%7Etab=issueslist%7Ebranches=7#v7" target="_top"> </a><a title="Click to view volume" href="http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/title%7Edb=all%7Econtent=t792306880%7Etab=issueslist%7Ebranches=7#v7" target="_top"> 7</a>, Issue <a title="Click to view issue" href="http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/title%7Edb=all%7Econtent=g928469563" target="_top"> 4 </a> October 2010 , pages 284 &#8211; 299.</p>
<p>The  published, Routledge (Taylor and Francis), have made the article a   sample for the Journal. As a result the article is online and may be <a href="http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/section?content=a928455036&amp;fulltext=713240928" target="_blank">downloaded or read online</a> for free.</p>
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		<title>Under attack in a virtual world</title>
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		<pubDate>Mon, 01 Feb 2010 09:59:39 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[admin]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Antisemitism]]></category>
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		<description><![CDATA[Andre Oboler, PresenTense Magazine, February 2010. The Jewish people are losing the war. When it comes to the online world, we are for the most part disorganized, under-resourced and lacking leadership. Battles may be determined by short-term objectives, but wars are won by strategy and determination. In the Jewish world today, few have realized that [&#8230;]]]></description>
				<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Andre Oboler, <a href="http://tinyurl.com/yjml43f">PresenTense Magazine</a>, February 2010.</p>
<p><a href="http://www.internetengagement.com.au/v2/wp-content/uploads/2011/01/pt10condensed.jpg"><img class="alignleft size-full wp-image-228" style=" margin-right: 10px;" title="pt10condensed" src="http://www.internetengagement.com.au/v2/wp-content/uploads/2011/01/pt10condensed.jpg" alt="" width="100" height="100" /></a>The  Jewish people are losing the war. When it comes to the online world, we  are for the most part disorganized, under-resourced and lacking  leadership. Battles may be determined by short-term objectives, but wars  are won by strategy and determination. In the Jewish world today, few  have realized that we are in an online virtual war. This is a war  against the Jewish state, and against the Jewish people.</p>
<p>The virtual world is a battleground of competing ideas. In a world  with no absolute truth or commonly accepted values, racism and  intolerance are becoming widely accepted in society. Discrimination,  rather than freedom from discrimination, becomes a right. As these  poisonous ideas spill over from the virtual world into the real world,  there is a potential reversal of all the progress that has been made in  the name of civil rights.</p>
<p>Online, as in the real world, there is an extreme fringe. These are  the classic antisemites and racists, often sporting swastikas and  calling for death to the Jews. In the real world, such<br />
racism is opposed and attracts social penalties. In the virtual world,  however, such expressions of hate usually pass without comment. Modern  online values can even legitimize such views, giving them equal weight  to any other &#8220;opinion&#8221;. Online anonymity further exacerbates the  problem. The largest challenge we face is not the racists; it is the  online culture that accepts them and their message. This acceptance  allows others, particularly the young, to be drawn to prejudice through  their ignorance. It encourages good people to stand idly by, or risk the  ire of the community for attempting to limit another&#8217;s &#8220;free  expression&#8221;.</p>
<p>In May 2007, Facebook added a code of conduct to support its terms of  service. The code stated, &#8220;While we believe users should be able to  express themselves and their point of view, certain kinds of speech  simply do not belong in a community like Facebook.&#8221;</p>
<p>The code of conduct did not seek to define what was illegal; instead,  it sought to define shared values for the Facebook community. The code  sought to exclude &#8220;graphic or gratuitous violence,&#8221; &#8220;threats of any  kind,&#8221; material that &#8220;intimidates, harasses, or bullies anyone&#8221; and  &#8220;derogatory, demeaning, malicious, defamatory, abusive, offensive or  hateful&#8221; material. The code of conduct lasted almost two years before it  was quietly dropped.</p>
<p>Commenting on Holocaust denial on Facebook after the code of conduct  was removed, Facebook spokesperson Barry Schnitt said, &#8220;The bottom line  is that, of course, we abhor Nazi ideals and find Holocaust denial  repulsive and ignorant. However, we believe people have a right to  discuss these ideas and we want Facebook to be a place where ideas &#8211;  even controversial ideas &#8211; can be discussed.&#8221;</p>
<p>When hate-inspired conspiracy is considered as legitimate as  historical fact, we have entered a dangerous post-modern stage of  society. When those wishing to excuse or deny the Holocaust are said to  have nothing worse than a controversial idea, it&#8217;s time to step back and  wonder how far online society has regressed.</p>
<p>Since the beginning of 2010, Facebook, responding to a public outcry,  has started to remove the classic Nazi and Holocaust-denial groups such  as &#8220;For the followers of Hitler&#8221; and &#8220;6,000,000 for the TRUTH about the  Holocaust.&#8221; This change has happened without an announcement, press  release or change in written policy.While this is a step in the right  direction, a significant amount of hateful content continues to  proliferate on Facebook. Without a doubt, antisemitism abounds. More  than 100 &#8220;Gaza Holocaust&#8221; groups, both large and small, still exist.  Many of the groups label Israelis as Nazis and demonize Jews. Messages  that attack Israel as a Nazi, apartheid, evil state pervade both  Facebook and the Internet in general. Moreover, derogatory comments  about the disabled, gays and various non-whites are increasingly common  on other social-media sites, such as YouTube, Flickr and Blogger. This  is not just a Jewish issue.</p>
<p>In the war of ideas, we must look for something to spark a change in  online social values. Public leadership on social values is needed. We  must hope such leadership eventually will emerge from the corporate  world, from the likes of Facebook, Google, Yahoo and Microsoft. If it  does not, that role falls to governments and the general public. Change  is starting to happen. &#8220;David Appletree,&#8221; working under a pseudonym due  to concern for his safety, founded the Jewish Internet Defense Force in  2008. The organization&#8217;s campaigns have led to the removal of hundreds  of antisemitic groups on Facebook, as well as hundreds of racist YouTube  videos.</p>
<p>&#8220;The problem is overwhelming,&#8221; Appletree said. &#8220;More people need to  get involved to fight anti-Semitism online. Only then can we, together,  start to get on top of this problem.&#8221;</p>
<p>Recently though, Appletree&#8217;s own Facebook account was disabled by the  social-media site because he does not use his real name. But more than  50 accounts purporting to belong to Santa Claus have not been given the  same treatment.</p>
<p>Last December, the Zionist Federation of Australia launched the  Community Internet Engagement Project to provide research, training and  support to the Australian Jewish community to respond to online hate.  That same month, the Global Forum to Combat Anti-Semitism met in  Jerusalem, where experts and government representatives from around the  world discussed antisemitism, including online antisemitism. The forum  produced 17 pages of recommendations to combat online antisemitism.</p>
<p>In an Internet culture where hate of Jews and Israel is seen as just  another equally legitimate viewpoint, the Jewish people are set for  disaster. Historically, we have been persecuted not just because we had  persecutors, but because those who could have stopped it stood idly by.  The online world is creating a culture where people will &#8211; once again &#8211;  stand idly by.</p>
<p>As Jews we must stand up and challenge those who use technology to  promote racism and hate. We must use the tools provided by sites such as  Facebook and YouTube to report the hate we see online. In the wider  name of humanity, we must ask others to join us, to turn their backs on  those who hate and to exclude them from our online communities. We must  create a culture where people refuse to  participate in communities that  lack basic social values. This starts when we take a stand ourselves,  as individuals, against the hate, racism, and bullying we see online. We  must work for an online world that remembers the lessons of the past  and incorporates the strides made for human rights over the last 60  years.</p>
<p>The clash of cultures that is taking place around the globe is  reflected online, but so is the rejection of Western values. We are once  again in a brave new world, a world of rapid change where anything can  happen. In this new world the Jewish people are once again the canary in  the coal mine. The online war over the values of society is a war that  we must win &#8211; and not only for the sake of the Jewish people. This is a  war over universal values. It is a war that civil society can&#8217;t afford  to lose.</p>
<p><a href="http://www.oboler.com/andre_oboler_bio.html" target="_blank">Dr. Andre Oboler</a> is a social-media expert and commentator. He is the director of the <a href="../../?page_id=25" target="_blank">Community Internet Engagement Project</a> at the Zionist Federation of the Australia, co-chair of the working group into online antisemitism for the <a href="http://www.gfantisemitism.org/Conference2009/Working-Groups/Pages/AntisemitismOnlineCyberspaceandtheMedia.aspx" target="_blank">Global Forum to Combat Antisemitism</a>, and <a href="http://www.zionismontheweb.org/" target="_blank">CEO of Zionism On The Web</a>. Dr. Oboler&#8217;s research into technology issues affecting Israel and the Jewish people has covered <a href="http://www.jcpa.org/JCPA/Templates/ShowPage.asp?DRIT=3&amp;DBID=1&amp;LNGID=1&amp;TMID=111&amp;FID=253&amp;PID=0&amp;IID=2235&amp;TTL=Online_Antisemitism_2.0._" target="_blank">antisemitism 2.0</a>, <a href="http://www.jcpa.org/JCPA/Templates/ShowPage.asp?DRIT=1&amp;DBID=1&amp;LNGID=1&amp;TMID=111&amp;FID=442&amp;PID=0&amp;IID=2250&amp;TTL=Google_Earth:_A_New_Platform_for_Anti-Israel_Propaganda_and_Replacement_Geography" target="_blank">Replacement geography in Google Earth</a>, <a href="http://covenant.idc.ac.il/en/vol3/issue1/The_Rise_and_Fall_of_a_Facebook.html" target="_blank">Facebook hate and the </a><a href="http://covenant.idc.ac.il/en/vol3/issue1/The_Rise_and_Fall_of_a_Facebook.html" target="_blank">JIDF</a>, <a href="http://www.honestreporting.com/articles/45884734/critiques/new/Exposed_-_Anti-Israeli_Subversion_on_Wikipedia.asp" target="_blank">Wikipedia warfare</a>, <a href="http://www.jcpa.org/JCPA/Templates/ShowPage.asp?DRIT=3&amp;DBID=1&amp;LNGID=1&amp;TMID=111&amp;FID=624&amp;PID=0&amp;IID=3075&amp;TTL=Facebook,_Holocaust_Denial,_and_Anti-Semitism_2.0" target="_blank">Facebook&#8217;s stance on Holocaust denial</a> and <a href="http://www.oboler.com/andre_oboler_publications_thematic.html" target="_blank">other issues</a>.</p>
<p>© 2010 Andre Oboler, originally published by <a href="http://presentense.org/magazine" target="_blank">PresenTense Magazine</a> in The Digital Issue, February 2010. This article is released under a <a href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/" target="_blank">Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 Unported License</a>. You may report it else where provided you post it in full and include this notice.</p>
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